Sunday, February 3, 2013

Illegal Oil Monopolies $71 Billion Profit 2012



Exxon, Chevron Made 

$71 Billion Profit in 2012 

As Consumers Paid Record Gas Prices

By Rebecca Leber, ThinkProgress
02 February 13
 hile 2012 might not be a banner year for Big Oil profits, it wasn't a bad one either. With just BP left to announce 2012 earnings, Big Oil earned well over $100 billion in profits last year, while the companies benefit from continued taxpayer subsidies. Average gas prices also hit a record high last year, showing how a drilling boom may help oil companies' profit margins, but not consumers' wallets.
ExxonMobil - now the most valuable company in the world, passing Apple -earned $45 billion profit in 2012, a 9 percent jump over 2011. Meanwhile, Chevron earned $26.2 billion for the year. In the final three months of the year, the companies earned $9.95 billion and $7.2 billion respectively.
Here are the highlights of how Exxon and Chevron spend their earnings:
ExxonMobil
Exxon received $600 million annual tax breaks. In 2011, Exxon paid just 13 percent in taxes. The company paid no taxes to the U.S. federal government in 2009, despite 45.2 billion record profits. It paid $15 billion in taxes, but none in federal income tax.
Exxon's oil production was down 6 percent from 2011.
In fourth quarter, Exxon bought back $5.3 billion of its stock, which enriches the largest shareholders and executives of the company.
Exxon's federal campaign contributions totaled $2.77 million for the 2012 cycle, sending 89 percent to Republicans.
The company spent $12.97 million lobbying in 2012 to protect low tax rates and block pollution controls and safeguards for public health.
Exxon CEO Rex Tillerson received $24.7 million total compensation.
Exxon is moving ahead with a project to develop the tar sands in Canada.
Chevron:
In October, Chevron made the single-largest corporate donation in history. Chevron dropped $2.5 million with the Congressional Leadership Fund super PAC toelect House Republicans.
The bulk of Chevron's federal contributions came from the super PAC donation, for a total of $3.87 million for the 2012 cycle. 85 percent went to Republicans.
Chevron spent $9.55 million lobbying Congress in 2012, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
Chevron paid 19 percent U.S. taxes last year (half of the top corporate tax rate of 35 percent), and received an estimated $700 million in annual tax breaks last year.
Chevron was fined $1 million for a refinery fire that sent 15,000 Richmond, California residents to the hospital. Though the company faces $10 million in medical expenses, Chevron earns it back in a couple of hours.
With Royal Dutch Shell and ConocoPhillips reporting $35 billion in combined profit in 2012, BP is the last company left to announce its profits for the year.


End of Capitalism


The Endgame of Capitalism

By Carl Gibson, Reader Supported News

he board game "Monopoly" was originally invented in the early 20th century to warn players of the dangers of free market capitalism. The original title was "The Landlord Game," made to show how property owners exploit their tenants with exorbitant rent. The game eventually evolved to include rules that let players charge higher rent if they owned all the railroads or the utility companies. But the endgame scenario of Monopoly is a lot like the endgame of capitalism that we're witnessing today - no matter how the game starts, the wealth will eventually accumulate in the hands of one player, while the other players have to sell off their property to pay their debt to the owner and, eventually, lose everything they have.
The Dow recently closed above 14,000, the highest it's ever been since October of 2007. While the financial pundits on CNBC would use this figure to have us believe the economy is bouncing back better than ever, the only ones sharing in the benefit of a healthy market are the wealthy investor class and corporations that have been insulated from the effects of the recession that still continues for the rest of us. The influx of high-frequency trading that now makes up half of all trading signifies the change of using the market as a vehicle for making long-term investments to manipulating it for short-term profit.
The market's latest high numbers are due to corporations turning out record profits quarter after quarter, having grown profits by 171 percent under Obama's watch. Most of those profits have come about by companies cutting costs by shifting jobs overseas, where they can pay a Chinese worker a fraction of what they would pay an American worker to do the same job. News has also broken about Fortune 500 companies like Chevron, Bank of America, AT&T and IBM using inmate labor at private prisons, meaning they can slap a "Made in the USA" sticker on a product made by someone working for slave wages. The influx of immigrants looking for work thanks to free trade agreements like NAFTA, has led to the inevitable exploitation of immigrant labor which will continue as long as US immigration policy punishes the exploited rather than the companies exploiting them. And these record corporate profits also have right-wing governors and state legislatures to thank for union-busting right-to-work laws that really only exist as a vehicle for businesses to pay workers less money for the same work, and for Republicans to erode a major fundraising base for their opposition.
The rest of the uptick in corporate profits can be attributed to a lax tax code that allows companies to book profits made in the United States in overseas tax havens. There's an estimated $2.3 trillion in US corporate profits booked in overseas accounts. Apple alone stashes $1 billion a week in overseas accounts to dodge corporate taxes. That's equivalent to over 4 million full-time minimum-wage jobs, every week. The share of US tax revenue from corporations has gone from 6% of GDP in the 1950s to just 1% today.
The executives of these companies make out like bandits, as they use their increased profits to buy their own company's stock, which makes the stock price go up, making the stock options owned by the executives more valuable. And with dividends taxed at a much lower rate than actual work (20% vs. 35%), the tax revenue needed to keep society functioning continues to dwindle as the investor class accumulates greater wealth than ever before. The six Waltons who own Wal-Mart own as much wealth as the bottom 40% of Americans.
Some financial analysts say this market surge is just a rally, destined to drop as Congress expects to wrangle with the deficit in May, including a possible downgrade of our credit rating. But the fact is, our deficit would disappear if we had a small sales taxon all Wall Street financial transactions, taxed capital gains at the same rate as by-God-hard-work and overhauled our tax code in favor of one that would do away with the loopholes that allow big corporations to offshore their billions in American profits. However, even that could get worse, as Obama has shown willingness to talk about aterritorial tax code that would effectively allow corporations to pay a 0% tax rate on their profits all over the world, including the US.
In a recent Daily Show appearance, Al Gore made a half-hearted attempt at explaining the idea of "sustainable capitalism" to Jon Stewart. But even Gore's description of capitalism as the only economic system that works sounded incredibly outdated to those of us who weren't millionaire media moguls or TV personalities. We're witnessing the endgame of capitalism, where a few wealthy individuals and corporations have accumulated most of the wealth while the rest of us are left to fight for the scraps. And it looks a lot like the endgame of Monopoly, where every player is selling off their house and foreclosing their property to pay the one player who already has everything. And when the Monopoly game has gone that far, the only thing left to do is flip the board over, scatter all of the winner's winnings, and try playing something else that everyone can enjoy.

Carl Gibson, 25, is co-founder of US Uncut, a nationwide creative direct-action movement that mobilized tens of thousands of activists against corporate tax avoidance and budget cuts in the months leading up to the Occupy Wall Street movement. Carl and other US Uncut activists are featured in the documentary "We're Not Broke," which premiered at the 2012 Sundance Film Festival. He currently lives in Old Lyme, Connecticut. You can contact Carl at carl@rsnorg.org.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.
 

Saturday, February 2, 2013

No JOBS - No RECOVERY


The Jobs Report, and Why the Recovery Has Stalled

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

01 February 13

e are in the most anemic recovery in modern history, yet our political leaders in Washington aren't doing squat about it.
In fact, apart from the Fed - which continues to hold interest rates down in the quixotic hope that banks will begin lending again to average people - the government is heading in exactly the wrong direction: raising taxes on the middle class, and cutting spending.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported Friday that American employers added only 157,000 jobs in January. That's fewer than they added in December (196,000 jobs, as revised by the Bureau of Labor Statistics). The overall unemployment rate remains stuck at 7.9 percent, just about where it's been since September.
The share of people of working age either who are working or looking for jobs also remains dismal - close to a 30-year low. (Yes, older boomers are retiring, but the major cause for this near-record low is simply the lack of jobs.)
And the long-term unemployed, about 40 percent of all jobless workers, remain trapped. Most have few if any job prospects, and their unemployment benefits have run out, or will run out shortly.
Close to 20 million Americans remain unemployed or underemployed.
It would be one thing if we didn't know what to do about all this. But we do know. It's not rocket science.
The only reason for employers to hire more workers is if they have more customers. But American employers have not had enough customers to justify much new hiring.
There are essentially two sources of customers: individual consumers, and the government. (Forget exports for now; Europe is contracting, Japan is a basket case, China is slowing, and the rest of the world is in economic limbo.)
American consumers - whose purchases constitute about 70 percent of all economic activity - still can't buy much, and their purchasing power is declining. The median wage continues to drop, adjusted for inflation. Most can't borrow because they don't have a credit record sufficient to allow them to borrow much.
And now their Social Security taxes have increased, leaving the typical worker with about $1,000 less this year than last.
The Conference Board reported last Tuesday consumer confidence in January fell its lowest level in more than a year. The last time consumers were this glum was October 2011, when there was widespread talk of a double-dip recession.
The only people doing well are at the top - but they save a large part of what they earn instead of spending it.
Overall personal income soared by 8 percent in the final three months of 2012 compared to an increase of just over 2 percent in the third quarter, but this income didn't go into the pockets of the middle class. It went into the pockets of people at the top.
Wages and salaries grew a measly six-tenths of one percent.
Most of the rise in personal income in the last quarter was from companies rushing to pay dividends before taxes were hiked in 2013, and from an upturn in personal interest income. Both these sources of income went mostly to the well-to-do.
This explains why consumer spending is dropping. The Commerce Department said Thursday consumers' spending rose 0.2 percent last month. That's slower than the 0.4 percent increase in November.
So if we can't rely on consumers to stoke the economy, what about government? No chance. Government spending is dropping, too.
The major reason the economy contracted between the start of October and end of December 2012 was a major reduction in government spending in the fourth quarter.
Government spending has declined in nine of the last ten quarters, but it took a precipitous drop in the last quarter. This was mainly because military spending fell 22.2 percent. That's the largest fall-off since 1972 (mainly due to reduced spending on the war in Afghanistan, and worries by military contractors about further pending cuts). State and local spending also continued to fall.
Personally, I'm glad we're spending less on the military. It's the most bloated part of the government. Major cuts are long overdue. But the military is America's only major jobs program. Cutting the military without increasing spending on roads, bridges, schools, and everything else we need to do simply means fewer jobs.
What's ahead? More of the same. So what possible reason do we have to suspect the recovery will pick up speed? None.
Don't count on consumer spending. Wages and benefits continue to drop for most people, adjusted for inflation. States are hiking sales taxes, which will hit the middle class and the poor hardest. Deficit hawks in Washington are contemplating additional tax hikes on the middle class.
Housing prices are stabilizing, thankfully. But one out of five homeowners is still underwater, and the ranks of people renting rather than owning are rising. Health-care costs are also rising for most people in the form of higher co-payments, deductibles, and premiums.
Don't count on government, either. Government spending continues to head downward. The White House has already agreed to major spending cuts, some to go into effect this year. Coming showdowns over the next fiscal cliff, appropriations to fund government operations, and the debt ceiling will likely result in more cuts.
More jobs and faster growth should be the most important objectives now. With them, everything else will be easier to achieve - protection against climate change, immigration reform, long-term budget reform. Without them, everything will be harder.
Yet we're moving in the opposite direction - following Europe's sorry example of failed austerity economics.


Robert B. Reich, Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley, was Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration. Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the last century. He has written thirteen books, including the best sellers "Aftershock" and "The Work of Nations." His latest is an e-book, "Beyond Outrage." He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause.
 

JAIL the "Banksters"

JAIL the "Too Big to Fail" BANKSTERS


BILL MOYERS: You're working on a story right now that'll come out in a couple of weeks on the HSBC settlement. That's the, tell me about that, why it interests you.
MATT TAIBBI: Well, the HSBC settlement was a really shocking kind of new low in the history of the too big to fail issue. HSBC was a serial offender on the money laundering score. They had been twice given formal cease and desist orders by the government. One dating back as far as 2003, another one in 2010 for inadequately policing the accounts in their system. They laundered over $800 million for cartels in Colombia.
BILL MOYERS: Drug cartels?
MATT TAIBBI: Drug cartels in Colombia and Mexico. They laundered money for terrorist connected banks in the Middle East. Russian gangsters. Literally, you know, I talked to one prosecutor who's, like, "They broke basically every law in the book and they did business with every kind of criminal you can possibly imagine. And they got a complete and total walk." I mean, they had to pay a fine.
BILL MOYERS: $1.9 billion, a lot of money.
MATT TAIBBI: It's a lot of money. But it's five weeks of revenue for the bank, to put that in perspective. And no individual had to suffer any consequences at all. There were no criminal charges no individual fines, which was incredible. Incredible.
BILL MOYERS: Lenny Breuer also forced the Swiss bank UBS, as you know, to pay a big fine in the LIBOR, the price fixing conspiracy. And that outraged you as well, didn't it?
MATT TAIBBI: This is the, I think the biggest financial scandal of all time. It was a price fixing scandal where, essentially, some of the world's biggest banks got together and they conspired illegally to artificially rig the global interest rates which are based upon this London inner bank offered rate, which is a rate that measures how much it costs for banks to lend money to each other.
This LIBOR rate affects the prices of hundreds of trillions of dollars of financial products. And it goes from everything from credit cards to mortgages to municipal bonds. Basically everything in the world the price is, you know, is somehow connected to LIBOR. And these guys were monkeying around with this for individual profit. And they got, again, a complete and total walk on this. There were no criminal charges, which is just unbelievable.
BILL MOYERS: Did you see the Frontline documentary "The Untouchables?"
MATT TAIBBI: I did.
BILL MOYERS: Then you're familiar with Lanny Breuer's testimony.
MARTIN SMITH in Frontline: The Untouchables: You made a reference to losing sleep at night worrying about what a lawsuit might result in at a large financial institution. Is that really the job of a prosecutor to worry about anything other than simply pursuing justice?
LENNY BREUER in Frontline: The Untouchables: I think I am pursuing justice and I think the entire responsibility of the department is to pursue justice, but in any given case, I think I am prosecutors around the country being responsible should speak to regulators, should speak to experts, because if I bring a case against institution A, and as a result of bringing that case there's some huge economic effect. If it creates a ripple effect so that suddenly counter-parties and other financial institutions or other companies that had nothing to do with this are affected badly, it's a factor we need to know and understand.
MATT TAIBBI: Think about what he's saying. He's essentially saying that some individuals are so systemically important, that they can't be arrested and put in jail. Now, it's only a few steps forward to the corollary to that, which is if some people are too systemically important to arrest, other people may safely be arrested. So we're creating a class of people who are arrestable and another class of people who are not arrestable, which is crazy. It's a crazy thing for the assistant attorney general to say, to admit out loud that he's dividing Americans up into these two classes. There's no reason they couldn't have taken a number of individuals from some of these companies and put them on trial.
Historically, we've always done this. Even under the Bush administration, if you go back just ten years, you know, WorldCom, Enron, you know, Adelphia. We took the leading individuals of these companies and we put them on trial to make an example out of them. And this is exactly what we're not doing in this case. Those companies were systemically important then. I don't see why they can't do the same thing now.
BILL MOYERS: You were shocked when you heard that President Obama had named Mary Jo White to lead the Securities and Exchange Commission. And you wrote that she was a partner in a law firm that represented a lot of these big banks. You know, Bank of America, Goldman Sachs, Chase, AIG, Morgan Stanley.
You said, "She dropped out and made the move a lot of regulators make, leaving government to make bucket loads of money, working for the people she used to police." And I gather your great concern is that you don't want to see the country's top financial cop being indebted to the people who created the bank role?
MATT TAIBBI: Right. Yeah, absolutely. I mean, it's just simple common sense. I mean, you're sitting on $10 million, $15 million, however much money she made working there at Debevoise and Plimpton when she was a partner and you owe that money to this specific group of clients and now you're in charge of policing them, just psychologically think of that. It doesn't really work, you know? It doesn't really work in terms of how aggressive a prosecutor should be, what his attitude towards the people he's supposed to be policing should be. It's just, the circumstances just aren't quite right. You'd much rather see a career civil servant in that in that situation.
BILL MOYERS: She was once a tough prosecutor. What's your beef?
MATT TAIBBI: Well, you know, I have people who are telling me that I'm wrong about this, that Mary Jo White was an excellent prosecutor and she's a good choice. But, you know I've done stories in the past about an episode, you had an SEC investigator named Gary Aguirre who was pursing an insider trading case against the future CEO of Morgan Stanley. He asked for permission to interview that future CEO. His name was John Mack. It was denied. And it was because there was communication between Morgan Stanley's lawyer, who at the time was Mary Jo White and the higher ups at the SEC who included the director of enforcement, Linda Thomsen. Aguirre was later fired for complaining about having this investigation squelched.
BILL MOYERS: Blowing the whistle.
MATT TAIBBI: For blowing the whistle. But the SEC was later forced to pay a $750,000 wrongful termination suit to Aguirre in that case. But what's so interesting is that Aguirre's boss, the guy who killed that case went to work for Mary Jo White's firm nine months after the case died. And he got, you know, a multi-million dollar position. It's a classic example of how the revolving door works in Washington. You know, you have these regulators at the SEC. And they know that there's that job out there waiting for them. So how hard are they really going to regulate these companies when they know they can get that money?
But in Washington, you know, people kind of shake their heads at it because it's so common you know, that these people, they move from government back to, you know, these high priced legal defense firms that represent the banks. And then they go back to government again. And it's this sort of, this coterie of, you know, 100, 200 lawyers who really run this entire thing. And it's all the same people on both sides.
BILL MOYERS: Lanny Breuer was one of them. He was in a very prestigious Washington law firm. Jack Lew, the new incoming secretary of the Treasury if he gets approved, served three years at Citigroup. His record there, according to "The Wall Street Journal" was not very lustrous for a man who's about to take over the Treasury Department. But "The Wall Street Journal" suggests that he got his job, not because he had the experience, but because he was a crony of Robert Rubin.
MATT TAIBBI: Jack Lew served in the Clinton administration. I think he worked in the OMB in the, you know, Office of Management of the Budget. And he was one of the key players in helping pass the repeal of Glass-Steagall. And, you know, this is kind of the way it works. It's not a one to one, you know, obvious connection. But, you know, Glass-Steagall was repealed specifically to legalize the merger of Citi Group. And, you know, coincidentally Bob Rubin, who was the Treasury secretary and Jack Lew end up working at Citi Group five, ten years later. And they make enormous amounts of money. And then they go back to government. And again, this is just sort of this merry-go-round that everybody in Washington knows about. And that's the way it works.
BILL MOYERS: How do you explain President Obama's attitude in this? When he was running for president, he promised the close the revolving door. And he seemed genuinely shocked at the collapse of the financial system and the banks' role in it. But he also was raking in massive campaign contributions from these very people. Did those investments, did those contributions turn out to be good investments, or do you think he's just overwhelmed by the system that's controlled by these guys?
MATT TAIBBI: I think that they genuinely accept the explanation that they're probably hearing from all these people who run these Wall Street companies. You know, people like Bob Rubin and Larry Summers who are close confidants of the Obama administration are probably telling them, "Look, if we start prosecuting all kinds of people for you know, X, Y and Z, there's going to be major instability in the markets. People are going to flee America. They're going to withdraw capital from the American financial system. It'll be a disaster. Jobs will be lost." But it's just not an acceptable it's explanation. I think they're--
BILL MOYERS: Why?
MATT TAIBBI: Well, just because the rule of law isn't really the rule of law if it doesn't apply equally to everybody. I mean, if you're going to put somebody in jail for having a joint in his pocket, you can't let higher ranking HSBC officials off for laundering $800 million for the worst drug dealers in the entire world. People who are suspected, not only of dealing drugs, but of thousands of murders. I mean, this is an incredible dichotomy. And eventually, you know, it eats away at the very fabric of society when some people go to jail and some people don't go to jail.
BILL MOYERS: But do you ever have the sense that those guys are, you know, are and their lawyers are up there laughing at all of us on their way to the bank, no pun intended? I mean, the fact of the matter is they are immune. There was a story in "The Washington Post" the other day by Howard Schneider and Danielle Douglas. With the lead, "Five years after the collapse of Lehman Brothers, a global push to tighten financial regulation around the world has slowed in the face of attempted recovery, which the banks helped bring on. "And a tough industry lobby effort. Big banks, insurers and other financial giants remain intact and arguably too big to fail." I mean, nothing really has changed.
MATT TAIBBI: No, no, definitely not. And in fact, if you want to look at it objectively, since 2008, you know, the companies that we're talking about have become bigger and more dangerous and more immune to prosecution than they were back then. And you might even say by a lot. I mean, you know, the first factor was that you had a series of mergers in 2008, which you know, made companies like Wells Fargo and JP Morgan Chase, you know, double in size.
Or they were much bigger than they were before. So therefore they're more dangerous. And so you have these companies, like Barclays, like Royal Bank of Scotland, like UBS, like HSBC, which are, you know, they can't be regulated. We can't get an accurate accounting of what's going on in their books. And apparently now we can't even criminally prosecute them for laundering money like HSBC does. I mean we just keep setting the bar lower and lower and lower. And it's getting scary I think.
BILL MOYERS: There's a new analysis out just the other day from the Economic Policy Institute that shows the super-rich have done well in the economic recovery, while almost everyone else has done badly. And the economist Robert Reich says, "We're back to the widening inequality we had before the big crash." Are the financial and political worlds just too intertwined and powerful for anything to change?
MATT TAIBBI: I mean, it's a concern, I would worry about. But it doesn't mean you can't, you know, try to stop the problem. I definitely think though that there is this connection now between political power and financial power that's just becoming more and more overt. I mean, what Lanny Breuer is saying in that video is these people who have an enormous amount of power, destructive financial power we can't prosecute them.
On the flip side what they're essentially saying is that people who don't have any money at all, it's politically safe to put them in jail. And so, you know, we're creating this kind of dual class. And it's a very upsetting and disturbing situation.
BILL MOYERS: Matt Taibbi, we'll be looking forward to your next expose in a couple of weeks. Thank you very much for being with us.
MATT TAIBBI: Thanks for having me on.
 

Thursday, January 31, 2013

Economy of Fewer, and Fewer Buyers


Why Consumers Are Bummed Out

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

30 January 13

he Conference Board reported Tuesday that the preliminary January figure for consumer confidence in the United States fell to its lowest level in more than a year.
The last time consumers were this bummed out was October 2011, when there was widespread talk of a double-dip recession.
But this time business news is buoyant. The stock market is bullish. The housing market seems to have rebounded a bit.
So why are consumers so glum?
Because they're deeply worried about their jobs and their incomes - as they have every right to be.
The job situation is still lousy. We'll know more this coming Friday about what happened to jobs in January. But we know over 20 million people are still unemployed or underemployed.
Personal income is in terrible shape. The median wage continues to drop, adjusted for inflation.
Most people can't get readily-available loans because banks are still cautious about lending to anyone without a sterling credit history. (Eliminate student loans and you find Americans aren't borrowing any more than they were a year ago.)
And the payroll tax hike has reduced paychecks for the typical American by about $100 a month. That's just about what the typical family spends to fill up their gas tanks per month. Or half what they spend for groceries each week.
Contrast the current pessimism with consumer sentiment last October. Then, a majority polled by the Conference Board expected their incomes to rise over the next six months.
Now just 14 percent expect their incomes to rise, and 23 percent expect them to fall.
That 9 percent gap of pessimists exceeding optimists is the largest since the spring of 2009 when the Great Recession was almost at its worst.
The stock market is bullish because corporate profits are up, costs are down, the "fiscal cliff" agreement has locked in low taxes for most of the upper-middle class and wealthy, and there's no sign of inflation as far as the eye can see.
But corporate profits can't stay high when American consumers - whose spending is 70 percent of the U.S. economy - are this pessimistic about the future. They're just not going to spend.
American companies won't be able to make up the difference in foreign markets. Europe is careening into a recession. Japan is still in deep trouble. China's growth has slowed.
Profits are the highest share of the U.S. economy on record. Wages are the lowest. But this imbalance can't and won't last.
Investors: beware.
Politicians: Don't do any more deficit reduction. When consumers are this glum, austerity economics is particularly dangerous.
If the next showdowns over the fiscal cliff, government appropriations, and debt ceiling result in more deficit cuts this year, we're in a recession.
 

Tuesday, January 29, 2013

Beating Up Small, Defenseless Countries is official US Foreign Policy


Author, historian and political commentator Noam Chomsky. (photo: Ben Rusk/flickr)
Author, historian and political commentator Noam Chomsky. (photo: Ben Rusk/flickr)

Noam Chomsky: 'Assad Is Facing Assassination No Matter What'

By Jovana Vukotic, The Voice of Russia
28 January 13

Magnitsky Act implementation and uneasiness in US-Russia relations, NATO approving the deployment of Patriot missile interceptors to defend Turkish border with Syria, modus vivendi in which there could be a reduction of violence in Syria, chemical weapons issue, Hague tribunal and economic crisis in the EU – these issues Voice of Russia discussed with Noam Chomsky a famous American philosopher, linguist, and political activist. Chomsky also warned that US placing a missile system near Russia’s borders is a highly provocative act.

S-Russia Relations
My first question is supposed to be related to Magnitsky Act and uneasiness between Russia and the US. What do you think about it? Is there going to be something big related to this Act?
I think the right reaction on the part of Russia would be to pass a bill which would require the Russian Foreign Office to maintain a public list of human rights abusers in the US and freeze their assets. They could begin with President Obama who is the major human rights violator. He is directing a global assassination campaign which is a major atrocity. I mean if Russia were doing anything like that - people would be talking about having a nuclear war. And they need to go on from there. So, for example the US is strongly supporting, and in fact participating in terrible human rights abuses, in Gaza just a couple of weeks ago again, and go around the world. The US is providing huge amounts of armaments to Saudi Arabia which is one of the worst human rights abusers in the world and you can go on from there. So, that would be the right reaction but of course it is not going to do it.
But do you think that generally that's going to really bring some uneasiness from now on in relation to Russia-US relations? Or is it just going to be a piece of paper?
Well, it depends on how the matter is handled. If it is just regarded as a symbolic gesture with no consequences, then it'll just be a notion. On the other hand, if it influences policy, it could be more than that. And the idea that the US wouldn't do something like that, given its shocking human rights record, right at the moment it takes a lot of goal actually. Of course that's not understood in the US, the media doesn't talk about it. If I refer to President Obama as one of the leading human rights violators in the world, although it is true, if I said that in an interview with New York Times, they wouldn't know what I'm talking about.
Could you tell us something about what do you think about Obama's reelection? What does it mean to Russia, especially in relations to the US missile defense system which is about to be assembled in Europe, or at least we think it is going to be assembled?
First of all, it is worth bearing in mind that on all sides, it is understood by strategic analysts and presumably by political leaders, that missile defense system is a first strike weapon. Missile defense systems, even if they work, and that's a question, but to the extent that they work they are not going to be able to stop the first strike. Conceivably, they could prevent a retaliatory strike which means that they are effectively a first strike weapon. And of course Russia knows this and American planners know this and so on.
So, placing a missile system near Russia's borders, which is what is planned, is a highly provocative act. If Russia tries to do that, in Canada let's say, we just go to war. It wouldn't be even remotely tolerated. Obama has made some slight adjustments in the plans for missile systems under Bush, but they still leave the system in a form which Russian military and Russian strategic analysts have to interpret as highly threatening, just as the US would if Russia was doing anything similar. Now, during a couple of months ago you'll recall that off-camera Obama made some comments hinting that maybe he'd back off on it after the election. That became a big issue here and of course that was recalled. But whether he'll do anything like that, I doubt very much.
What do you think about Russia-US relations? How are they going to develop?
Well, we've already talked a little bit on that. Russia's got plenty of internal problems and how it is going to handle these is not at all clear. The direct conflicts between Russia and the US may not be as sharp as potentially between the US and China. In the case of China and the US, they have a huge trading relation. In fact, China holds a substantial part of US debt, that is little more than Japan. And of course the US and Europe are the main consumers of Chinese goods. In the case of Russia that's much less. So, it is only energy exports. So, it is quite a different relationship.
Syria, NATO and Turkey
And the next question is related to Syria. NATO approved the deployment of Patriot missile interceptors to defend the Turkish border with Syria. What do you think, what is going to happen next?
I don't think anybody knows. Syria is moving towards kind of suicide and there doesn't seem to be any easy way out. This morning got even worse, as you may have seen there was a battle yesterday between the Kurdish and rebel forces. That adds a new complexity to the situation which of course very much affects Turkey. Turkey is quite worried naturally about the rise of the Kurdish autonomy region in Syria and how it might affect the huge Kurdish problem within Turkey. But inside Syria it just looks like a growing horror story with no real feasible solution insight. There are various proposals, there is another one coming along today in discussions, I believe in Dublin, with Al-Akhdar Ibrahimi and representatives of Russia and the US. But it is going to be extremely difficult to find a way out of this without just destruction of the country.
Assad himself is facing assassination no matter what happens, I mean if he agrees to leave the country - he would probably be killed by his Alawite associates because he is abandoning them to whatever fate would happen. If he doesn't leave the country sooner or later it would be wiped out. There have been proposals, just a couple of days ago there was a proposal by one serious specialist Nicholas Noe that there will be temporary some kind of partition in which a region around Damascus is left under Assad's control and the rest of the country is left under rebel control and see if they can work out some modus vivendi in which there could be a reduction of violence and maybe a negotiated settlement. But that's a long shot and I haven't really heard any other good proposal.
And another problem that is arising is the chemical weapons problem. Syria has already crossed what Obama called his red line. On chemical weapons the US has backed off and moved the red line a little backwards but sooner or later that's going to be a huge problem. And nobody hasn't answered to it. You can't bomb them!
Serbia and Hague Tribunal
I'm from Serbia, I was born in Belgrade and the situation in Syria really resembles to what we had in ex-Yugoslavia. First, the civic unrest and then it became really like a big war, and then we had bombing on Kosovo. So, that's why I'm asking, because this is really very much alike.
We could talk about Kosovo, but I think that's a different situation. I think that's very much misrepresented in the West.
Could you talk a little bit about the Hague Tribunal? Two Croatian generals convicted of killing the ethnic Serbs in the 90'es have been quitted in Hague. And then, ten days later Ramush Haradinaj, one of the ex-KLA leaders, was also acquitted of all charges. How do you comment this?
It is very hard to take the Hague Tribunal seriously from the beginning. If we go back to Kosovo again, there was an international tribunal and Louise Arbour who was then in charge of it was approached by Western lawyers in fact with a proposal to investigate NATO bombing. And she said that NATO would not be a subject to investigation by the tribunal. That tells us right of it, it is not the serious tribunal. And everything that's followed from that is pretty predictable. I mean there were efforts to do something, like her successor did talk about investigating KLA atrocities, the charges of organ removal and so on, but that was quickly quashed.
Exactly! The problem is that we can't really consider the Hague Tribunal as the serious one. But still many Serbian leaders got life detention so it seems like there is really no justice or this is really not...
You know, this goes far back. I mean probably of all the tribunals I think the most serious and reputable one was the Nuremberg Tribunal, you know, the first modern tribunal. But if you look at it, it was deeply flawed, and that was understood by the prosecutors. So, the principles of the Nuremberg Tribunal, what they came down to is - if you committed a crime and we didn't commit the same crime, then it is a crime.
So, for example saturation bombing of urban civilian concentrations was not considered a crime at Nuremberg, because their allies did it more than the Germans did. German admiral submarine commander Dönitz in his defense at Nuremberg he brought an American admiral Nimitz and the representative of the British Admiralty who testified that Britain and the US carried out the same crimes that he was accused of. And that was considered by the Tribunal sufficient to absolve him of those charges. So, altogether the tribunal, morally speaking, it was very deeply flawed for these reasons. But still, I think that was the most serious of the tribunals that have been established.
I understand your thesis and your point of view, but still, since I'm from Serbia it is really difficult to comprehend that we as a nation, as a state, are going to have a kind of guilt from now on till who knows when. But it seems like it is going to happen and the history is already written somewhere and we can't really change it, although I can't say that we are really guilty as much as the international community says we are.
Russia and EU
Your expectations for the next year related to the world economic or financial crisis in the EU? And generally, what do you think is going to happen in international relations, Russia-US relations, China-US relations?
Too many questions to try to answer. A lot of things are uncertain. Let's begin with the financial crisis. The financial crisis is created by what has been called a "doom loop" by one of the directors of the British bank in charge of banking stability. It is a "doom loop" because there is a system in the US and Britain and to some extent elsewhere in which the big investment firms are essentially encouraged to undertake risky transactions in which they can make a lot of profit because they are risky. And they will sooner or later collapse because of the risk and at that point the tax payer comes in and bails them out. That's a "doom loop".
There is a government insurance policy for the big banks. The name for it in the US is too big to fail, so we got to bail them out when they get into trouble. It is essentially a government insurance policy. It is roughly estimated in euro at about 50 billion a year for the big banks to give them a higher credit rating and so on. The credit agencies take that into account when they rate them that they are going to be bailed out by tax payers if anything goes wrong. All of that is just encouragement to continue a cycle of risky transactions. Profits, bailouts - it's been going since the early Reagan years. By that time the regulatory apparatus of the New Deal was being dismantled, so this was encouraged.
Now, there is legislation in the US the Dodd-Frank Bill which is supposed to put some restrictions on this. But it is quite unclear first of all how much of the Dodd-Frank Bill will survive the huge efforts of lobbyists right now to cut away at it so that it not going to apply very well. And even to the extent it does apply it leaves many of the problems untouched. So, chances are that we are building up to another and probably bigger financial crisis. Meanwhile in Europe the troika, you now...
The investment fund.
Yes. They are carrying out policies which are almost bound to be an economic disaster. Imposing austerity during a time of recession just from a purely economic point of view makes no sense. Say for Greece, it just increases the debt. It cuts back growth, so there is no way out of it. The countries, Spain and Greece particularly, they do not have control over their own currencies. So, they can't do what the US or any country that prints it own money could do. They can't reduce the value of their currency and grow their way out of it, they can't do that, they are using the euro. So, they are trapped. Austerity will make the situation worse.
In Greece there is plenty of internal problems but it is particularly striking in the case of Spain because before the collapse of the financial system which not the fault of the government, that's the fault of the Spanish banks, and including the German banks which were doing the lending, before this collapse in 2007 the Spanish state budget was in quite a good shape. And in fact, Spain has some of the lowest expenditures in Europe for social services and so on. So, it is not the matter of government expenditures, it is a banking problem and it is getting worse.
And even the business press and the financial press are criticizing this. In fact, the IMF has began the back off from these policies because it is so obvious where they lead economically. And it is worth remembering that the ECB is much more reactionary than its US counterpart, the Federal Reserve. The Federal Reserve has a double mandate. One mandate is to control inflation, and there is not a hint of inflation inside. The other mandate is to maintain the full employment. Of course it doesn't do much about that, but at least it makes some gestures. The ECB has only the first mandate - to control inflation. And it has to control it at an artificially low level of 2% that's imposed by the Bundesbank which is very harmful to the economies. And there is no mandate at all to do something about employment.
So, its policies have actually been worse than those of the US Federal Reserve, its counterpart in the US. And it is showing in Europe. One of the consequences of it was actually described by the President of the ECB Mario Draghi. He's made an interview to the Wall Street Journal in which he said - the social contract in Europe is unsustainable, it is dead, we have to give up on a welfare state. From the point of view of elite and wealthy sectosr, it is fine with them, they never liked the welfare state. And if it is dismantled it is too bad. And that's where Europe is going unless there is a big change.
As far international relations are concerned, there is quite a lot to say. US-China relations are complex. Economically China is a growing power and I think people underestimate the internal problems it has to maintain it growth. And there is a security conflict. In the US professional literature it is called "a classic security dilemma". China wants to gain control over the waters nearby China where most of its trade is. And the US also wants to control the waters nearby China. So, there is a conflict. And other states in the region also have their own conflicts with China about who controls the isles of China Sea and so on. So, there is plenty of problems and how they'll be resolved we don't know.
Japan-China Territorial Dispute
There is the problem with the Japanese islands.
In the West they are called Japanese islands but Chinese call them Chinese islands. And in fact, if you look at the history Japan doesn't have much of a claim to them.
Do you think that's the part of the problem?
That's the part of the problem.
Professor Chomsky, thank you very much for your time and the interview.

Monday, January 28, 2013

Unions Popular in CA, Not in Red States


California unions grow, bucking U.S. trend

Latino workers, demanding respect in a precarious job environment, helped boost the state's unionized workforce by 100,000 in 2012.

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Business reporter Alana Semuels talks with nurses union organizer David Johnson and UC Berkeley Prof. Harley Shaiken about why labor unions are growing in California but not the nation.
Your take?
Are unions good for California’s workers?
See more »
The latest snapshot of the U.S. working class shows that unions are in trouble, their ranks thinning amid a backlash against organized labor and a still sputtering economy.
But California and a few nearby states in the Southwest are showing a vastly different picture — labor's ranks are on an upswing. The Golden State's union organizers signed up more than 100,000 new members last year, while the nation as a whole shed 400,000, according to data released Wednesday.
The reason: Latino workers.
After working hard to get here, many Latino immigrants demand respect in the workplace and are more willing to join unions in a tough economic environment, organizers say.
"There's an appetite among these low-wage workers to try and get a collective voice to give themselves opportunity and a middle-class lifestyle," said Steve Smith, a spokesman for the California Labor Federation.
Just 12.5% of the workforce was represented by unions nationwide in 2012, down from 13% the year before. But 18.4% of California's workforce was represented by a union last year, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
The nation is paying attention to labor's ability to gain traction in states such as California.
Strong membership in California could help unions negotiate higher wages, lobby the Legislature and fend off anti-labor attacks that have become common in the Midwest. Unions in once pro-labor states like Wisconsin and Michigan have been put on the defensive by legislation aimed at eroding the bargaining power of public-sector unions.
Labor's more optimistic proponents say that California could serve as a blueprint for unions across the country as they seek to stem membership declines. The trend comes amid forecasts that the Latino population in the U.S. is likely to double in two decades.
"This has a lot to do with the changing demographics of the workforce in these states," said Ruben Garcia, a labor law professor at the University of Nevada Las Vegas. "The big campaigns in the carwash industry in L.A., the janitors in Houston and the people who work on the Strip here tend to be an immigrant Latino workforce that's willing to stand up at the workplace, sometimes with great risks."
Workers fed up with years of stagnant wages may be motivated to join a union for financial reasons. Last year, union members made $943 a week, on average, while non-union members made $742, according to the BLS.
With the economy still shaky, many California workers are also looking for more job security.
Jackie McKay, 48, is one of the new crop of California union members. A nurse in the intensive-care unit at Community Hospital Long Beach, McKay said she and colleagues decided to try to organize after a new company took over the hospital and nurses weren't comfortable with the way they were being treated.
"We were sort of seeking out someone that we felt was on our side," she said. "We needed some backup."
The Long Beach nurses voted 94 to 30 to unionize in December.
"California is doing far better than most other states and far better than the national trend" in union membership, said John Logan, a professor of labor and employment at San Francisco State University. "Unions have had both dynamic organizing efforts and very effective political influence."
Employees are often hesitant to do anything risky at work when the economy is bad and jobs are scarce. Organizers say they were successful because they harnessed frustration with growing nationwide inequality to engage members during the recession.
"To be successful in organizing unions in the United States in 2013, it's not enough just to appeal to workers on the basis of their own individual problems," said David Johnson, organizing director of the California Nurses Assn., which added five new hospitals last year. "There has to be a broader vision set forth so that people see unions and the labor movement as an answer to the corporate domination and the Wall Street greed that has devastated our country."
Still, the labor movement faces significant challenges in applying moderate successes in California to the rest of the country.
Michigan and Indiana both became "right to work" states last year, meaning unions can't collect dues as a condition of employment. Legislators in Wisconsin and Ohio recently supported bills restricting the bargaining rights of public-sector unions, though the law in Ohio was reversed by referendum.
Those actions were reflected in the numbers put out by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The percentage of people represented by unions last year in Wisconsin fell to 12%, from 14.1% in 2011, while Indiana experienced a significant drop in union membership, to 10% of the workforce, from 12.4% the previous year.
Union membership fell fairly consistently in Rust Belt states as manufacturing jobs, once a labor stronghold, were sent overseas. The decline in unionized manufacturing isn't likely to shift as companies make efforts to return manufacturing to the United States. Auto companies, for instance, have built new plants in the South, an area traditionally resistant to unionization.
Unions don't have the same appeal to workers who change jobs frequently and think of themselves as independent workers, said Michael Lotito, a partner at the labor law firm Littler Mendelson.
"Unions are really struggling to find a message that resonates with individuals such as it did with my father's generation," he said.
But demographic shifts can be only positive for unions in the next few years, said Harley Shaiken, a labor professor at UC Berkeley. Labor has built new alliances and is going into a new, proactive phase, he said.
"Reports of labor's death have been greatly exaggerated," he said.

California unions grow, bucking U.S. trend

Latino workers, demanding respect in a precarious job environment, helped boost the state's unionized workforce by 100,000 in 2012.

  • Email
    Share
    1K
Business reporter Alana Semuels talks with nurses union organizer David Johnson and UC Berkeley Prof. Harley Shaiken about why labor unions are growing in California but not the nation.
Your take?
Are unions good for California’s workers?
See more »
The latest snapshot of the U.S. working class shows that unions are in trouble, their ranks thinning amid a backlash against organized labor and a still sputtering economy.
But California and a few nearby states in the Southwest are showing a vastly different picture — labor's ranks are on an upswing. The Golden State's union organizers signed up more than 100,000 new members last year, while the nation as a whole shed 400,000, according to data released Wednesday.
The reason: Latino workers.
After working hard to get here, many Latino immigrants demand respect in the workplace and are more willing to join unions in a tough economic environment, organizers say.
"There's an appetite among these low-wage workers to try and get a collective voice to give themselves opportunity and a middle-class lifestyle," said Steve Smith, a spokesman for the California Labor Federation.
Just 12.5% of the workforce was represented by unions nationwide in 2012, down from 13% the year before. But 18.4% of California's workforce was represented by a union last year, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
The nation is paying attention to labor's ability to gain traction in states such as California.
Strong membership in California could help unions negotiate higher wages, lobby the Legislature and fend off anti-labor attacks that have become common in the Midwest. Unions in once pro-labor states like Wisconsin and Michigan have been put on the defensive by legislation aimed at eroding the bargaining power of public-sector unions.
Labor's more optimistic proponents say that California could serve as a blueprint for unions across the country as they seek to stem membership declines. The trend comes amid forecasts that the Latino population in the U.S. is likely to double in two decades.
"This has a lot to do with the changing demographics of the workforce in these states," said Ruben Garcia, a labor law professor at the University of Nevada Las Vegas. "The big campaigns in the carwash industry in L.A., the janitors in Houston and the people who work on the Strip here tend to be an immigrant Latino workforce that's willing to stand up at the workplace, sometimes with great risks."
Workers fed up with years of stagnant wages may be motivated to join a union for financial reasons. Last year, union members made $943 a week, on average, while non-union members made $742, according to the BLS.
With the economy still shaky, many California workers are also looking for more job security.
Jackie McKay, 48, is one of the new crop of California union members. A nurse in the intensive-care unit at Community Hospital Long Beach, McKay said she and colleagues decided to try to organize after a new company took over the hospital and nurses weren't comfortable with the way they were being treated.
"We were sort of seeking out someone that we felt was on our side," she said. "We needed some backup."
The Long Beach nurses voted 94 to 30 to unionize in December.
"California is doing far better than most other states and far better than the national trend" in union membership, said John Logan, a professor of labor and employment at San Francisco State University. "Unions have had both dynamic organizing efforts and very effective political influence."
Employees are often hesitant to do anything risky at work when the economy is bad and jobs are scarce. Organizers say they were successful because they harnessed frustration with growing nationwide inequality to engage members during the recession.
"To be successful in organizing unions in the United States in 2013, it's not enough just to appeal to workers on the basis of their own individual problems," said David Johnson, organizing director of the California Nurses Assn., which added five new hospitals last year. "There has to be a broader vision set forth so that people see unions and the labor movement as an answer to the corporate domination and the Wall Street greed that has devastated our country."
Still, the labor movement faces significant challenges in applying moderate successes in California to the rest of the country.
Michigan and Indiana both became "right to work" states last year, meaning unions can't collect dues as a condition of employment. Legislators in Wisconsin and Ohio recently supported bills restricting the bargaining rights of public-sector unions, though the law in Ohio was reversed by referendum.
Those actions were reflected in the numbers put out by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The percentage of people represented by unions last year in Wisconsin fell to 12%, from 14.1% in 2011, while Indiana experienced a significant drop in union membership, to 10% of the workforce, from 12.4% the previous year.
Union membership fell fairly consistently in Rust Belt states as manufacturing jobs, once a labor stronghold, were sent overseas. The decline in unionized manufacturing isn't likely to shift as companies make efforts to return manufacturing to the United States. Auto companies, for instance, have built new plants in the South, an area traditionally resistant to unionization.
Unions don't have the same appeal to workers who change jobs frequently and think of themselves as independent workers, said Michael Lotito, a partner at the labor law firm Littler Mendelson.
"Unions are really struggling to find a message that resonates with individuals such as it did with my father's generation," he said.
But demographic shifts can be only positive for unions in the next few years, said Harley Shaiken, a labor professor at UC Berkeley. Labor has built new alliances and is going into a new, proactive phase, he said.
"Reports of labor's death have been greatly exaggerated," he said.

California unions grow, bucking U.S. trend

Latino workers, demanding respect in a precarious job environment, helped boost the state's unionized workforce by 100,000 in 2012.

  • Email
    Share
    1K
Business reporter Alana Semuels talks with nurses union organizer David Johnson and UC Berkeley Prof. Harley Shaiken about why labor unions are growing in California but not the nation.
Your take?
Are unions good for California’s workers?
See more »
The latest snapshot of the U.S. working class shows that unions are in trouble, their ranks thinning amid a backlash against organized labor and a still sputtering economy.
But California and a few nearby states in the Southwest are showing a vastly different picture — labor's ranks are on an upswing. The Golden State's union organizers signed up more than 100,000 new members last year, while the nation as a whole shed 400,000, according to data released Wednesday.
The reason: Latino workers.
After working hard to get here, many Latino immigrants demand respect in the workplace and are more willing to join unions in a tough economic environment, organizers say.
"There's an appetite among these low-wage workers to try and get a collective voice to give themselves opportunity and a middle-class lifestyle," said Steve Smith, a spokesman for the California Labor Federation.
Just 12.5% of the workforce was represented by unions nationwide in 2012, down from 13% the year before. But 18.4% of California's workforce was represented by a union last year, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
The nation is paying attention to labor's ability to gain traction in states such as California.
Strong membership in California could help unions negotiate higher wages, lobby the Legislature and fend off anti-labor attacks that have become common in the Midwest. Unions in once pro-labor states like Wisconsin and Michigan have been put on the defensive by legislation aimed at eroding the bargaining power of public-sector unions.
Labor's more optimistic proponents say that California could serve as a blueprint for unions across the country as they seek to stem membership declines. The trend comes amid forecasts that the Latino population in the U.S. is likely to double in two decades.
"This has a lot to do with the changing demographics of the workforce in these states," said Ruben Garcia, a labor law professor at the University of Nevada Las Vegas. "The big campaigns in the carwash industry in L.A., the janitors in Houston and the people who work on the Strip here tend to be an immigrant Latino workforce that's willing to stand up at the workplace, sometimes with great risks."
Workers fed up with years of stagnant wages may be motivated to join a union for financial reasons. Last year, union members made $943 a week, on average, while non-union members made $742, according to the BLS.
With the economy still shaky, many California workers are also looking for more job security.
Jackie McKay, 48, is one of the new crop of California union members. A nurse in the intensive-care unit at Community Hospital Long Beach, McKay said she and colleagues decided to try to organize after a new company took over the hospital and nurses weren't comfortable with the way they were being treated.
"We were sort of seeking out someone that we felt was on our side," she said. "We needed some backup."
The Long Beach nurses voted 94 to 30 to unionize in December.
"California is doing far better than most other states and far better than the national trend" in union membership, said John Logan, a professor of labor and employment at San Francisco State University. "Unions have had both dynamic organizing efforts and very effective political influence."
Employees are often hesitant to do anything risky at work when the economy is bad and jobs are scarce. Organizers say they were successful because they harnessed frustration with growing nationwide inequality to engage members during the recession.
"To be successful in organizing unions in the United States in 2013, it's not enough just to appeal to workers on the basis of their own individual problems," said David Johnson, organizing director of the California Nurses Assn., which added five new hospitals last year. "There has to be a broader vision set forth so that people see unions and the labor movement as an answer to the corporate domination and the Wall Street greed that has devastated our country."
Still, the labor movement faces significant challenges in applying moderate successes in California to the rest of the country.
Michigan and Indiana both became "right to work" states last year, meaning unions can't collect dues as a condition of employment. Legislators in Wisconsin and Ohio recently supported bills restricting the bargaining rights of public-sector unions, though the law in Ohio was reversed by referendum.
Those actions were reflected in the numbers put out by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The percentage of people represented by unions last year in Wisconsin fell to 12%, from 14.1% in 2011, while Indiana experienced a significant drop in union membership, to 10% of the workforce, from 12.4% the previous year.
Union membership fell fairly consistently in Rust Belt states as manufacturing jobs, once a labor stronghold, were sent overseas. The decline in unionized manufacturing isn't likely to shift as companies make efforts to return manufacturing to the United States. Auto companies, for instance, have built new plants in the South, an area traditionally resistant to unionization.
Unions don't have the same appeal to workers who change jobs frequently and think of themselves as independent workers, said Michael Lotito, a partner at the labor law firm Littler Mendelson.
"Unions are really struggling to find a message that resonates with individuals such as it did with my father's generation," he said.
But demographic shifts can be only positive for unions in the next few years, said Harley Shaiken, a labor professor at UC Berkeley. Labor has built new alliances and is going into a new, proactive phase, he said.
"Reports of labor's death have been greatly exaggerated," he said.