Saturday, September 6, 2014

Federal Reserve Must Create Jobs

Even the Council on Foreign Relations Is Saying It: Time for Federal Reserve to Rain Money on Main Street

Tuesday, 02 September 2014 10:46By Ellen BrownThe Web of Debt Blog | News Analysis
2014 902 rain st(Photo: Eyeslash)You can always count on Americans to do the right thing, after they’ve tried everything else.
—Winston Churchill
When an article appears in Foreign Affairs, the mouthpiece of the policy-setting Council on Foreign Relations, recommending that the Federal Reserve do a money drop directly on the 99%, you know the central bank must be down to its last bullet.
The September/October issue of Foreign Affairs features an article by Mark Blyth and Eric Lonergan titled “Print Less But Transfer More: Why Central Banks Should Give Money Directly To The People.” It’s the sort of thing normally heard only from money reformers and Social Credit enthusiasts far from the mainstream. What’s going on?
The Fed, it seems, has finally run out of other ammoIt has to taper its quantitative easing program, which is eating up the Treasuries and mortgage-backed securitiesneeded as collateral for the repo market that is the engine of the bankers’ shell game. The Fed’s Zero Interest Rate Policy (ZIRP) has also done serious collateral damage. The banks that get the money just put it in interest-bearing Federal Reserve accounts or buy foreign debt or speculate with it; and the profits go back to the 1%, who park it offshore to avoid taxes. Worse, any increase in the money supply from increased borrowing increases the overall debt burden and compounding finance costs, which are already a major constraint on economic growth.
Meanwhile, the economy continues to teeter on the edge of deflationThe Fed needs to pump up the money supply and stimulate demand in some other way. All else having failed, it is reduced to trying what money reformers have been advocating for decades — get money into the pockets of the people who actually spend it on goods and services.

A Helicopter Drop on Main Street
Blyth and Lonergan write:
[L]ow inflation . . . occurs when people and businesses are too hesitant to spend their money, which keeps unemployment high and wage growth low. In the EuroZone, inflation has recently dropped perilously close to zero. . . . At best, the current policies are not working; at worst, they will lead to further instability and prolonged stagnation.
Governments must do better. Rather than trying to spur private-sector spending through asset purchases or interest-rate changes, central banks, such as the Fed, should hand consumers cash directly. In practice, this policy could take the form of giving central banks the ability to hand their countries’ tax-paying households a certain amount of money. The Government could distribute cash equally to all households or, even better, aim for the bottom 80 percent of households in terms of income. Targeting those who earn the least would have two primary benefits. For one thing, lower-income households are more prone to consume, so they would provide a greater boost to spending. For another, the policy would offset rising income inequality. [Emphasis added.]
A money drop directly on consumers is not a new idea for the Fed. Ben Bernanke recommended it in his notorious 2002 helicopter speech to the Japanese who were caught in a similar deflation trap. But the Japanese ignored the advice. According to Blyth and Lonergan:

Bernanke argued that the Bank of Japan needed to act more aggressively and suggested it consider an unconventional approach: give Japanese households cash directly. Consumers could use the new windfalls to spend their way out of the recession, driving up demand and raising prices.
. . . The conservative economist Milton Friedman also saw the appeal of direct money transfers, which he likened to dropping cash out of a helicopter. Japan never tried using them, however, and the country’s economy has never fully recovered. Between 1993 and 2003, Japan’s annual growth rates averaged less than one percent.
Today most of the global economy is drowning in debt, and central banks have played all their other cards.  Blyth and Lonergan write:
It’s well past time, then, for U.S. policymakers — as well as their counterparts in other developed countries — to consider a version of Friedman’s helicopter drops. In the short term, such cash transfers could jump-start the economy. Over the long term, they could reduce dependence on the banking system for growth and reverse the trend of rising inequality. The transfers would not cause damaging inflation, and few doubt that they would work. The only real question is why no government has tried them.
The Hyperinflation Bugaboo
The main reason governments have not tried this approach, say the authors, is the widespread belief that it will trigger hyperinflation. But will it? In a Forbes article titled “Money Growth Does Not Cause Inflation!”, John Harvey argues that the rule as taught in economics class is based on some invalid assumptions. The formula is:
MV = Py
When the velocity of money (V) and the quantity of goods sold (y) are constant, adding money (M) must drive up prices (P). But, says Harvey, V and y are not constant. The more money people have to spend (M), the more money that will change hands (V), and the more goods and services that will get sold (y). Only when V and y reach their limits – only when demand is saturated and productivity is at full capacity – will consumer prices be driven up. And they are nowhere near their limits yet.
The US output gap – the difference between actual output (y) and potential output – is currently estimated at about $1 trillion annually. That means the money supply could be increased by at least $1 trillion without driving up prices.
As for V, the relevant figure for the lower 80% (the target population of Blyth and Lonergan) is the velocity of M1 –– coins, dollar bills, and checkbook money. Fully 76% of Americans now live paycheck to paycheck. When they get money, they spend it. They don’t trade in the forms of investment called “near money” and “near, near money” that make up the bulk of M2 and M3.
The velocity of M1 in 2012 was 7 (down from a high of 10 in 2007). That means M1 changed hands seven times during 2012 – from housewife to grocer to farmer, etc. Since each recipient owes taxes on this money, increasing GDP by one dollar increases the tax base by seven dollars.
Total tax revenue as a percentage of GDP in 2012 was 24.3%. Extrapolating from those figures, one dollar spent seven times over on goods and services could increase tax revenue to the government by 7 x 24.3% = $1.7. The government could actually get more back in taxes than it paid out! Even with some leakage in those figures, the entire dividend paid out by the Fed might be taxed back to the government, so that the money supply would not increase at all.
Assume a $1 trillion dividend issued in the form of debit cards that could be used only for goods and services. A back-of-the-envelope estimate is that if $1 trillion were shared by all US adults making under $35,000 annually, they could each get about $600 per month.  If the total dividend were $2 trillion, they could get $1,200 per month. And in either case it could, at least in theory, all come back in taxes to the government without any net increase in the money supply.
There are also other ways to get money back into the Treasury so that there is no net increase in the money supply. They include closing tax loopholes, taxing the $21 trillion or more hidden in offshore tax havens, raising tax rates on the rich to levels like those seen in the boom years after World War II, and setting up a system of public banks that would return the interest on loans to the government. If bank credit were made a public utility, nearly $1 trillion could be returned annually to the Treasury just in bank profits and savings on interest on the federal debt.  Interest collected by U.S. banks in 2011 was $507 billion (down from $725 billion in 2007), and total interest paid on the federal debt was $454 billion.
Thus there are many ways to return the money issued in a national dividend to the government. The same money could be spent and collected back year after year, without creating price inflation or hyperinflating the money supply.
Why It’s the Job of the Fed
Why not just stimulate employment through the congressional funding of infrastructure projects, as politicians usually advocate? Blyth and Lonergan write:
The problem with these proposals is that infrastructure spending takes too long to revive an ailing economy. . . . Governments should . . . continue to invest in infrastructure and research, but when facing insufficient demand, they should tackle the spending problem quickly and directly.
Still, getting money into the pockets of the people sounds more like fiscal policy (the business of Congress) than monetary policy (the business of the Fed). But monetary policy means managing the money supply, and that is the point of a dividend. The antidote to deflation – a shrinking supply of money – is to add more. The Fed tried adding money to bank balance sheets through its quantitative easing program, but the result was simply to drive up the profits of the 1%. The alternative that hasn’t yet been tried is to bypass the profit-siphoning 1% and get the money directly to the consumers who create consumer demand.
There is another reason for handing the job to the Fed. Congress has been eviscerated by a political system that keeps legislators in open battle, deadlocked in inaction. The Fed, however, is “independent.” At least, it is independent of government. It marches to the drum of Wall Street, but it does not need to ask permission from voters or legislators before it acts. It is basically a dictatorship. The Fed did not ask permission before it advanced $85 billion to buy an 80% equity stake in an insurance company(AIG), or issued over $24 trillion in very-low-interest credit to bail out the banks, or issued trillions of dollars in those glorified “open market operations” called quantitative easing. As noted in an opinion piece in the Atlantic titled “How Dare the Fed Buy AIG”:
It’s probable that they don’t actually have the legal right to do anything like this.  Their authority is this:  who’s going to stop them?  No one wants to take on responsibility for this mess themselves.
There is a third reason for handing the job to the Fed. It is actually in the interest of the banks – the Fed’s real constituency – to issue a national dividend to the laboring masses. Interest and fees cannot be squeezed from people who are bankrupt. Creditor and debtor are in a symbiotic relationship. Like parasites and cancers, compound interest grows exponentially, doubling and doubling again until the host is consumed; and we are now at the end stage of that cycle. To keep the host alive, the creditors must restock their food source. Dropping money on Main Street is thus not only the Fed’s last bullet but is a critical play for keeping the game going.

This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.

ELLEN BROWN

Ellen Brown is an attorney, president of the Public Banking Institute, and author of twelve books including the best-selling Web of Debt. In The Public Bank Solution, her latest book, she explores successful public banking models historically and globally. Her websites are Web of DebtPublic Bank Solution, and Public Banking Institute.

21st C. Participatory Socialism in Venezuela

Marta Harnecker: New Paths Require a New Culture on the Left

Saturday, 06 September 2014 11:38By Federico Fuentes and Marta HarneckerInternational Journal of Socialist Renewal | Speech
2014 906 marta st2014 906 martChilean author Marta Harnecker (Photo: Fundació Pere Ardiaca)a stSpeech given by Marta Harnecker on August 15, 2014, accepting the 2013 Liberator's Prize for Critical Thought, awarded for her book, A World to Build: New Paths towards Twenty-first Century Socialism; translated by Federico Fuentes

...I dedicated the book to Chavez him with the following words:
To Commandante Chavez, whose words, orientations and exemplary dedication to the cause of the poor will serve as a compass for his people and all the people of the world. It will be the best shield to defend ourselves from those that seek to destroy this marvellous work that he began to build.

When Chávez won the 1998 presidential elections, the neoliberal capitalist model was already foundering. The choice then was whether to re-establish this model, undoubtedly with some changes such as greater concern for social issues, but still motivated by the same logic of profit-seeking, or to go ahead and try to build another model. Chávez had the courage to take the second path and decided to call it "socialism", in spite of its negative connotations. He called it "21st century socialism," to differentiate it from the Soviet-style socialism that had been implemented in the 20th century. This was not about "falling into the errors of the past", into the same "Stalinist deviations" which bureaucratized the party and ended up eliminating popular participation.

The need for peoples' participation was one of his obsessions and was the feature that distinguished his proposals from other Socialist projects in which the state resolved all the problems and the people received benefits as if they were gifts.
He was convinced that socialism could not be decreed from above, that it had to be built with the people. And he also understood that participating democracy is what allows people to grow and achieve self-confidence, that is, to develop themselves as human beings.

I always remember the first program of "Theoretical Aló Presidente", which was broadcasted on June 11, 2009, when Chavez quoted at length from a letter that Peter Kropotkin, the Russian anarchist, wrote to Lenin on March 4, 1920:

Without the participation of local forces, without an organization from below of the peasants and workers themselves, it is impossible to build 
a new life.

It seemed that the soviets were going to fulfill precisely this function of creating an organization from below. But Russia has already become a Soviet Republic in name only. The party's influence over people ... has already destroyed the influence and constructive energy of this promising institution – the soviets.

That is why very early on I believed it necessary to distinguish between the Socialist project and a Socialist model. I understood project to mean the original ideas of Marx and Engels, and model to refer to one form that this project has historically taken. If we analyze Soviet-style socialism, we see that in those countries that implemented this model of socialism, one that Michael Lebowitz has recently called the socialism of conductors and conducted based on a vanguardist mode of production, the people were no longer participating, organs of popular participation were transformed into purely formal entities, and the Party was transformed into an absolute authority, the sole depositary of truth that controlled all activities: economic, political, cultural. 

That is, what should have been a popular democracy was transformed into a dictatorship of the party. This model of Socialism, that many have called "real Socialism" is a fundamentally statist, centralist, bureaucratic model, where the key missing factor is popular participation.

Do you remember when this Socialism collapsed and there was all this talk about the death of socialism and the death of Marxism? At the time, Eduardo Galeano, a Uruguayan writer that all of you know, said that they had invited us to a funeral we did not belong at. The Socialism that died was not the socialist project we had fought for. What happened in reality had little to do with the kind of society Marx and Engel envisaged would replace capitalism. For them, socialism was impossible without popular participation.

Marx and Engel's original ideas were not only distorted by the actions of the Soviet regime and the Marxist literature disseminated by this country among the left; they were also downplayed or simply ignored in those countries outside of the Soviet orbit, given the opposition generated by the model that came to be associated with the name of Socialism.

It is not commonly known that, according to Marx and Engels, the future society they called Communist would facilitate the integral development of all the potentialities of human beings, a development that could only be achieved through revolutionary practice.   People would not develop by magic, they would develop because they struggle, they transform (in transforming circumstances, the person transforms themselves).

That is why Marx affirmed that it was only natural that the workers with which the new society would begin to be built would not be pure beings as "the muck of ages" would weigh on them. Which is why he did not condemn them, but rather placed confidence in them, that they would go about liberating themselves from this negative inheritance through revolutionary struggle. He believes in the transformation of people through struggle, through practice.

And Chavez, probably without have reads these words by Marx, also understood this. In his first "Theoretical Aló Presidente" on June 11, 2009, he warned communities that they have to be on guard to avoid sectarianism. He explained:

... if there are people, for example, residents who are not participating in politics, who do not belong to any party, well, it doesn't matter, they are welcome.
What's more, if some from the opposition lives there, call them. Let them come and work, come and demonstrate, be useful, because, well, the homeland is for everyone, we have to open spaces and you will see that through praxis many people will transform themselves.

Praxis is what transforms oneself, theory is theory, but theory cannot touch the heart, the bones, the nerves, the spirit of the human being and in reality nothing will change. We will not transform ourselves reading books. Books are fundamental, theory is fundamental, but we have to put it into practice, because praxis is what really transforms humans.

It is also the case that the "collectivist" practices of real Socialism, which suppresses individual differences in the name of the collective, had nothing to do with Marxism. Remember, Marx criticized bourgeois law for trying to make people artificially equal instead of acknowledging their differences.  By pretending to be the same for everyone, bourgeois law ends up being an unequal right. If two workers collect potatoes and one collects twice as much as the other, should the first be paid twice as much as the second? Bourgeois law says yes, without taking into consideration that the worker who only collected half as much that day may have been sick, or was never a strong worker because he was always malnourished growing up, and therefore perhaps while putting in the same effort as the first person was only able to do half as much.
Marx, on the other hand, said that any truly fair distribution had to take into account people's differentiated needs. Hence his maxim: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs."

Another of Marx's ideas that was distorted by both the bourgeoisie and Soviet practice was his defence of the Commons or Collective property.

What did the ideologues of the bourgeoisie say? The communists (or socialists) will expropriate everything, your fridge, your car, your home, etc.

How ignorant! Neither Marx nor any Socialist or Communist has ever thought of expropriating peoples' personal belongings. What Marx proposed was the idea of giving society back what originally belonged to them, that is, the means of production, but which was unjustly appropriated by an elite.

What the bourgeoisie does not understand, or does not want to understand, is that there are only two sources of wealth: nature and human Labor, and without human Labor, the potential wealth contained in nature can never be transformed into real wealth.

Marx pointed out that there is not only real human Labor but also past Labor, that is, Labor incorporated into instruments of Labor.

The tools, machines, improvements made to land and, of course, intellectual and scientific discoveries that substantially increased social productivity, are a legacy passed down from generation to generation; they are a social heritage – a wealth of the people.

But the bourgeoisie, thanks to a whole process of mystification of capital - one that I don't have time to go into here - has convinced us that the Capitalists are the Owners of this Wealth due to their efforts, their creativity, their entrepreneurial capacity, and that because they are the Owners of the Corporations they have the right to appropriate what is produced.

Only a Socialist society recognizes this inheritance as being social, which is why it must be given back to society and used for society, in the interest of society as a whole, and not to serve private interests.

These goods, in which the Labor of previous generations is incorporated, cannot belong to a specific person, or a specific country, but must instead belong to humanity as a whole.

The question is: how do we ensure this happens? The only way is to de-privatise these means of productions, transforming them into COMMON property. But since the humanity of the early 21st century is still not a humanity without borders, these actions must begin on a country-by-country basis, and the first step is therefore the handing over of ownership of the strategic means of production to a national state which expresses the interests of society.

But simply handing over the strategic means of production to the state represents a mere juridical change in ownership, because if the change in these state companies is limited to that, then the subordination of workers to an external force continues. A new Management, which now calls itself Socialist, might replace the Capitalist Management but the alienated status of the workers in the production process remains unchanged. While formally collective property, because the state represents society, real appropriation is still not collective.

That is why Engels argued, "state-ownership of the productive forces is not the solution to the conflict", although "concealed within it are the technical conditions that form the elements of that solution."
Furthermore, Marx argued that it was necessary to end the separation between intellectual and manual Labor that transforms workers into one more clog in the machine. Companies need to be managed by their workers. That is why Chavez, following through on his ideas, maintained a lot of emphasis on the notion that 21st century Socialism could not limit itself to being a State Capitalism that left intact work processes that alienate workers. 

Workers must be informed about the production process as a whole, they must be able to control it, to review and decide on production plans, the annual budget, and the distribution of the surplus, including its contribution to the national budget. 

But, then we have the argument of the Socialist managerial bureaucracy that says: how can we hand over management to the workers?

They are not prepared to participate actively in the management of enterprises! And they are right, minus some rare exception, precisely because Capitalism has never been interested in providing workers with the necessary technical knowledge to manage enterprises. Here I am referring not only to production, but also to matters related to marketing and finance. 

Concentrating knowledge in the hands of Management is one of the mechanisms that enables capital to exploit workers. But this, for a revolutionary cadre, cannot be a reason to not advance towards the full participation of workers. On the contrary, processes of co-management must be initiated that allow workers to appropriate this knowledge. To do this, they must begin engaging in practical management, while at the same time acquiring training in business and management techniques in order to reach a stage of complete self-management.

And at the level of communities and communes, an issue like many others that I would like to talk about but can't go into detail here, I always remember what Aristóbulo Istúriz said: "we have to govern with the people so that the people can learn to govern themselves." I understand that President Maduro is seeking to do this by promoting the participation of the organized people in his government through what he has called Councils of Popular Government.
 (See Chavez "Social Missions.")
edited....
For the complete article go to -
http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/26021-marta-harnecker-new-paths-require-a-new-culture-on-the-left#14100492890131&action=collapse_widget&id=7595614

END
A left that understands that we have to win by consensus, that is, that we have to convince rather than impose.

A left that understands that what we do together in the future is more important than what we may have done in the past.

This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.

FEDERICO FUENES

Federico Fuentes was co-author with Roger Burbach and Michael Fox of Latin America's Turbulent Transitions: The Future of 21st Century Socialism and is a regular contributor to Green Left Weekly.

Asians Stand with Black Victims of Racism

Standing in Solidarity 

Against Racial Exhaustion

Thursday, 04 September 2014 10:50By J. Mijin Cha, Truthout | Op-Ed
2014 903 race stAsian-Americans on the streets of San Francisco Chinatown. (Photo: Centinel)
As a Wyoming-reared Korean-American, I am on the receiving end of racist micro-aggressions on a fairly regular basis, from being picked out of a crowd for directions to Chinatown to being asked where I'm really from, to being told, "Wow, you speak English very well." 

Sure, most of the time I just laugh it off or stew silently, but each incident takes a little longer to recover from because I'm exhausted by a lifetime of being told I don't belong. Every instance underscores the idea that I'm different. I'm not really American. Except that I am. I was born here and I grew up in Laramie for crissakes. 

You don't get more "American" than me.
And, it is this singular idea of "being American" that underlies racial tensions. There are "deserving" Americans and then there are the others. Many people of color tend to fall into the latter category. Events in Ferguson highlighted how black lives are seen - by many in authority - to matter less than white lives. 

Even though the wealth of this country was built on their labor, African-Americans are not seen as "deserving" Americans, and the death of a black teenager at the hands of a white police officer, someone meant to "protect and serve," has had no official repercussions to date. 

The officer in question remains free and is getting paid, while Ferguson residents have been met with tear gas and excessive violence when exercising their constitutionally protected right to protest.

The question I keep coming back to is how to be an ally, when the struggle is not my struggle? I don't walk down the street in fear of being stopped by the Police. There aren't broad conversations in the Asian community about "respectability" and telling youth to straighten their hair and pull up their pants. Asians are widely seen as "model minorities": We work hard, we're seen as not "making trouble," we're "good at math," etc.

Perhaps this uncertainty, in how to be an ally, is what Bill O'Reilly exploited, when he talked about "Asian privilege." By certain metrics, Asians are advancing more than other groups, even white Americans. Economically, Asian-Americans enjoy the highest median household income ($66,000 a year) of any other ethnic group. Asian-Americans are often granted a type of "honorary whiteness," in the words of Asian-American activist Suey Park - an honor we can keep only by avoiding critiques of white supremacy and "accepting the role of model minority."

Yet, we are allowed to advance only so far. No sitting cabinet member is Asian-American, nor are any Supreme Court Justices. Only 1.5 percent of College and University Presidents are Asian-Americans, according to a 2012 diversity report from the American Council on Education.

Bill O'Reilly is not doing us any favors, either. As many people have pointed out, O'Reilly is using Asians to attack African-Americans. As Scot Nakagawa argues, O'Reilly's attempt to divide and conquer masks increasing rates of poverty within various Asian ethnicities and is blatant racial manipulation. The point is not that Asians are not the perceived model, but that what O'Reilly is doing is trying to pit people of color against one another to deflect attention away from the damage wrecked by white privilege and racist institutions.

The truth is, some Asians may not see themselves as people of color, but that is how the world sees us: That is why it's "surprising" we speak English, or don't know where Chinatown is, and that's why we are exhausted by the continual reminder we are "other," that we don't belong. We are still "undeserving" Americans, under the current way of thinking.

In responding to Ferguson, Asian-Americans can begin by recapturing our narrative. Don't allow yourself to be co-opted by other people's racism at work or in social situations: If you see something, say something. When the O'Reilly's of the world try to use us to mask their racism, we must stand up to them and expose their hidden anti-black agenda. 

There is nothing to be gained by trying to be the "model minority" - a term that is used to minimize our contributions and ensure we stay firmly within our place. Our experience is unique and acknowledging and respecting that other communities have their own struggles is the first step towards building multi-racial coalitions that can stand together. 

Injustice committed against any population is an injustice committed against us all.