ALAN GRAYSON:
Every year, the U.S. House of Representatives passes a single law that authorizes the spending of a half a trillion dollars. That's half a
trillion, with a "T". Half a trillion, as in five hundred billion dollars.
$500,000,000,000.00. Some serious coin.
I'm talking about the spending law for the Defense Department. This
spending bill is being written right now. Congress uses this massive
spending bill to allocate dollars for every base, every gun used by every U.S. soldier, every military drone, each National Security Agency snooping computer, every defense contract for the military-industrial complex, and each covert and overt war.
When you are a Member of Congress, you can influence how that money is spent - as long as you can convince a majority of your colleagues to agree with you. Though I'm a Democrat in a Republican-controlled House, I've had some luck doing this on other pieces of legislation. I've passed seven amendments on the Floor of the House already this year, by persuading my Democratic and Republican colleagues that my ideas are good ideas and worth putting into law.
In other words, even in the Republican-controlled U.S. House of
Representatives, even in gridlocked Washington, D.C., if you pay attention and you work hard, you can actually make a difference. And since so many of you donated to my campaign so generously, I don't have to spend my time begging from lobbyists all day. Instead, because of you, I can spend my time writing good law.
Here are some of the amendments I'm proposing to this massive Defense bill:
A ban on torture;
More money for suicide prevention for American troops;
An end to NSA spying on Americans;
A ban on the funding of video games by the Pentagon;
A ban on the Defense Department naming people killed in a drone strike as "enemy combatants" unless we know for sure they are enemy combatants;
An end to the Pentagon censoring the internet on its internal networks to stop troops from accessing news media sites;
A ban on fees for military families enrolling in military health care;
More money to find a cure for "Gulf War Illness";
A prohibition on the U.S. using the military to pilfer any possible oil resources in Afghanistan;
No defense contracts to companies that are convicted of fraud or bribery;
No defense contracts to companies that lie about their products being made in America; and
No more no-bid defense contracts to foreign corporations
In all, I'm proposing 20 amendments to this bill. There are 156 amendments in total offered to this bill, by all 435 Members of the House. This means that I am offering roughly one in every eight amendments offered by the ENTIRE U.S. House of Representatives. Will the Republicans let any of them pass? Maybe. In all likelihood, the GOP will block most of them. Most. But even if we pass just one or two, a small shift of priorities in a half-a-trillion-dollar bill is a lot of change.
THAT'S part of what being a True Blue Democrat means. It means getting things done. It means working every angle to make the world a better place. It means trying, trying hard, never surrendering.
And it means, on a bill spending more money for war than we can possibly imagine, working toward peace. That's what you've helped to make possible.
I just thought you'd like to know.
Courage,
Rep. Alan Grayson
P.S. Please share this message on Facebook or Twitter with your friends
(Photo: Pedro Moura Pinheiro / Flickr)US imperialism spreads across Latin America through military bases and trade deals, corporate exploitation and debt. It also relies on a vast communications surveillance network, the recent uncovering of which laid bare Washington’s reach into the region’s streets and halls of power. Yet more than McDonald’s and bullets, an empire depends on fear, and fear of the empire is lacking these days in Latin America.
The controversy stirred up by Edward Snowden’s leaked documents reached the region on July 7th, when the first of a series of articles drawing from the leaks were published in the major Brazilian newspaper O Globo. The articles outlined how the US National Security Agency (NSA) had for years been spying on and indiscriminately collecting the emails and telephone records of millions of people in Brazil, Venezuela, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Argentina, just as it had done in the US, Europe and elsewhere.
The articles pointed out that data collection bases were located in Bogota, Caracas, Mexico City and Panama City, with an additional station in Brasilia which was used to spy on foreign satellite communications. The NSA gathered military and security data in certain countries, and acquired information on the oil industry in Venezuela and energy sector in Mexico, both of which are largely under state control, beyond the reach of US corporations and investors.
As with the spying program in the US, Snowden’s leaks demonstrate that this method of collecting communications in Latin America was done with the collusion of private telecommunications companies in the US and Latin America.
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff called the spying a “violation of sovereignty and human rights.” The presidents of Brazil, Bolivia, Argentina, Uruguay, Venezuela and other nations in the region condemned Washington for its actions and called for an inquiry into the surveillance.
“A shiver went down my back when we learned that they are spying on us from the north,” Argentina’s President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner said in a speech. “More than revelations, these are confirmations of what we thought was happening.”
Indeed, the region is no stranger to US spying and interference. And with the election of leftist presidents across Latin America over the past decade, it should come as no surprise that the US has been spying into what Secretary of State John Kerry recently referred to as Washington’s “backyard.”
The shadow of 20th century dictatorships hangs over much of Latin America, orienting the region’s democratic processes and struggles for justice. Brazil’s Rousseff and Uruguayan President José Mujica are among today’s various Latin American presidents who were active in the social movements fighting against brutal US-backed dictatorships in their respective countries.
Rousseff was jailed for her activism from 1970-1972, and Mujica was shot by the police six times, tortured and imprisoned for 14 years, including being confined to the bottom of a well for over two years. Under the leadership of Nestor and Cristina Kirchner, Argentina has sought justice for the some 30,000 people disappeared during that nation’s dictatorship. Needless to say, the legacy of US-backed coups, right-wing spying networks, and police states looms large in Latin American politics and recent memory.
So when Snowden’s leaked documents pointed to contemporary spying, it harkened back to Washington’s Cold War allies who, through coordinated efforts like Operation Condor, collaborated regionally to monitor dissidents and supposed communists, intercepting mail and spying on phone communications as a part of their continental nightmare.
But the Cold War is over, and from Argentina to Venezuela leftist politics have dominated the region’s landscape over the past decade, labor and indigenous movements have been on the rise, and a decidedly anti-imperialist stance has been common on campaign platforms and political policy.
While Washington has succeeded in supporting coups against left-leaning leaders in Honduras and Paraguay in recent years, a US-dominated regional trade agreement was shot down, its military bases have been pushed out of certain areas, US policy in the war on drugs is meeting resistance in key countries, and Latin American governments are going elsewhere for loans and aid. As a historic shift in politics has taken place south of the US border, Washington has often appeared out of touch and grasping for allies.
In this context, leftist Bolivian President Evo Morales’ plane was grounded in Europe upon its return home from Russia on July 2nd. US officials behind the grounding of the plane believed Snowden, currently based in a Moscow airport, was on Morales’ flight, as the whistleblower was seeking asylum in South America.
Upon returning to Bolivia, where a meeting was convened among Latin American leaders to address the US and European nations’ action against Morales, the Bolivian president said "the United States is using its agent [Snowden] and the president [of Bolivia] to intimidate the whole region."
Latin American presidents across the board were outraged at the actions against Morales, and Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia all offered asylum to Snowden in a protest against the US and in solidarity with the whistleblower. Others said they would help to protect him from US prosecution.
When US Vice President Joe Biden pressured Ecuadoran President Rafael Correa to not give asylum to Snowden, Correa thumbed his nose at the US, renouncing $23 million in US trade benefits, and offering those funds instead for training of US officials on civil liberties and human rights.
In regards to the spying revelations and to the grounding of Morales’ plane, Correa told reporters, “We're not 500 years behind. This Latin America of the 21st century is independent, dignified and sovereign."
In all of the data that the US gathered across the region, it missed one crucial fact: that Latin America is no longer Washington’s backyard. In spite of the empire’s wide reach, there are places where it will always be defied, in the telephone booths and dreams of a world that it will never truly own.
he National Security Agency has been allowed to extend its dragnet of the telephone records of millions of US customers of Verizon through a court order issued by the secret court that oversees





ontradicting a statement by ex-vice president Dick Cheney on Sunday that warrantless domestic surveillance might have prevented 9/11, 2007 court records indicate that the Bush-Cheney administration began such surveillance at least 7 months prior to 9/11.
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